Analyze/After having favoured the democratic choice of joining the Republic of Cameroon following the two great wars which considerably contributed to the balkanization of African territories and Cameroon in particular, the leaders of Southern Cameroon headed by John Ngu Foncha entered into negotiations with the delegates of the Republic of Cameroon headed by the late President of the Republic Ahmadou Ahidjo for serious consultations leading to the adoption of a prefabricated and contested constitution which nevertheless has the merit of having made Cameroon on October 1, 1961, a State composed of a federal Power and the federated States.
Even if it must be recognized that Southern Cameroon through its leaders set its conditions to ratify its choice to join the Republic of Cameroon, it must also be noted that it is the reunification of a Territory formerly under German protectorate which was at stake. Indeed, when we want reunification, we do everything possible to make it possible. This is the reason for holding the Foumban conference which resulted in the choice to move from the unitary State to a federal State.
The most important thing for the Republic of Cameroon at this precise moment was not the federal system but rather reunification. If Southern Cameroon was more favourable to a system to which its nationals were more accustomed, we were still not going to impose a particular political system on it. Since both parties were in favour of reunification, it was better to agree on the terms of this reunification because they are components of the same whole which must not remain separated because of a disastrous past.
It is after the "success" of this conference that the other priorities will be gradually put forward, notably through an unfair referendum which clearly shows that the choice of initial federalism was only a strategic plan to achieve a certain number of objectives including the essential reunification initially through the temporary option of a federal system, then finding a way to return to a centralized unitary State, the fruit of the French administration of the former Eastern Cameroon which became a republic of Cameroon on January 1, 1960.
Since after the reunification of 1961, Southern Cameroon no longer exists and is no longer one with the Republic of Cameroon which became the Federal Republic of Cameroon, the president of the first republic decided unilaterally, i.e. say, without consulting the other parties and by virtue of the powers he conferred on himself since the federal constitution did not allow him to hold a referendum to move from the federal State to the unitary State. The federal republic of Cameroon therefore became the united republic of Cameroon in 1972. This show of force, which in fact was an injustice although it praised the benefits of the unitary State, has since then been the starting point of another problem which caused the “Anglophone crisis” in the North-West and South-West regions.
The separation for a renegotiation, or the secession: Two different options
The outbreak of the crisis in 2016 gave birth to several schools of thought. If everyone believes they have been betrayed and felt marginalized by the Yaoundé regime, some are more favourable to an idea of Secession while others to an idea of separation with a view to renegotiation because according to them, the contract was broken in 1972. They believe that in fact, it is not secession that is in question, but rather separation pending renegotiation while others rather want the independence of a territory under mandate British which no longer exists.
Also read: Cameroon under British administration and the two historic plebiscites of November 7, 1959, and Febuary 11 and 12, 1961
The former Southern Cameroon made its choice during the plebiscite organized by the United Nations Organization, and the Republic of Cameroon did everything possible to put this choice into effect because both parties were in favour of reunification. But the separatist current, in the sense of returning to the initial point to renegotiate and not in the sense of the radical choice of independence for a territory which no longer exists, wants a return to federalism.
It is by being aware of the fact that there really was a problem in the past without declaring it officially that the government of the Republic of Cameroon proposed and even implemented a special status for these regions which is in fact the expression of a deep regret which does not speak its name despite everything. Indeed, just like the old regime, the current one had and has always a very strong French influence. A territory under French administration could not remain for long in a federal system. And since at present there is nothing to suggest that there will be a return to federalism or the change of the form of the State, namely a federal power and federated States, it is better for the moment to be content with the special status which is perhaps or otherwise the best way of renegotiation.
Southern Cameroon no longer exists. It is now part of the Republic of Cameroon which, since 1961 and through successive leaders, has had the duty to do everything possible so that all parts of the national Territory live in peace, joy and prosperity. If we must consider that the violation of the constitution of October 1, 1961 is the origin of the current problem, we must also recognize that the demands of teachers and lawyers coupled with being the triggering element of a latent crisis, are also the beginning of this renegotiation which, however, must be peaceful despite everything because no one takes pleasure in seeing others die apart from those who have chosen to take advantage of this crisis to engage in organized crime. Those who really want change must lay down their weapons and start again on a new basis, always claiming their rights through normal channels which we hope will bring more satisfaction to a group of peoples, each with their own problems which in fact threaten the interests common of a State whose economic and social situation cannot fare well when an armed conflict persists.
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